Cara Augustenborg
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The Verdant Yank’s ‘Halloween Awakening’ 

10/21/2016

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Cara Augustenborg in Halloween spirit 2016. Hair by Ashley Byrne; Make up by Linda at NewLookFX; Photo processing by Rob Micallef
On October 11, 2016, Rowan Jacobson of Outside Magazine wrote a startling obituary: “The Great Barrier Reef of Australia passed away in 2016 after a long illness. It was 25 million years old.”

Jacobson goes on to describe the legacy of the Great Barrier Reef, from the impressive array of more than 6,000 species it harboured to the food and mineral resources it provided for the humans who lived next to it for 60,000 years.

The Great Barrier Reef’s obituary got me thinking about all the things we could find ourselves mourning as climate change takes its toll. From our favourite foods to our scenic coastlines and our most loveable species, even the people themselves who fall victim to the environmental impacts of a changing climate -There are millions of obituaries to write if we fail to act on climate.

The Guardian
was quick to report that Jacobson over-exaggerated, explaining while the Reef is undoubtedly stressed, it is “not dead yet”’. They quoted a scientist criticising the obituary for its “fatalistic, doomsday approach to climate change that isn’t going to engage anyone and misinforms the public.” Nonetheless, I must admit that in spite of my natural affinity to optimism, I was both engaged and informed by Jacobson’s creative approach.

​The Great Barrier Reef’s obituary forced us to reflect on what we might lose as a result of climate change and craftily included an option to donate to Ocean Ark Alliance “in lieu of flowers” as a call to act. It’s not unusual to mourn the passing of something before it’s totally gone and, perhaps by taking the time to honour its legacy, we become inspired to prevent further loss.

Living a life that lasts

I’ve been thinking a lot about legacies lately. Not just the 25-million-year legacy of the Great Barrier Reef, but political and personal legacies too. Barack Obama reaches the end of this presidency shortly and has put climate change at the forefront of his legacy. In my opinion, a central flaw of Irish politics is our lack of term limits, which prevents leaders from focusing on long-term legacies in pursuit of the short-term vote-getting efforts required to stay in power.  
​
I’ve been thinking about my own personal legacy too. I’ve sacrificed some economic opportunities because I believed addressing climate change was a more important legacy to leave my daughter, but there’s only so much one little environmental scientist can do and I know it won’t be enough to solve the problem. It struck me recently that my actions on this Earth will never be enough of a legacy to meet my high expectations. Thus, I’m taking the macabre spirit of my favourite holiday to think about my long-term legacy.

Legacy as a Friend of the Earth

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Cara Augustenborg in Arctic Alaska with Ben & Jerry's Climate Change College, 2008
When I returned from my arctic expedition with Ben & Jerry’s Climate Change College in 2008, I became frustrated that the slow pace of climate action both in Ireland and globally would not be sufficient to stop the rapid melting of the cryosphere I witnessed on my trip. I was working in academia at the time but research moved too slowly and scientists were largely ignored by policy makers, so I knew it was not the place to build my legacy. I decided to volunteer in the environmental activist movement as a nimbler way of affecting necessary change. 

​I joined the Board of Directors of Friends of the Earth (FoE) Ireland in 2009. Instantly, I felt part of something that could finally make a difference to our broken systems. At the time, FoE Ireland was pursuing national climate legislation, which it finally achieved last year. ​

While it was a long and difficult campaign, the final climate law means that no future government can ever let national climate strategies expire as the previous Fine Gael-Labour government did. The law also requires every ministerial department to be held accountable for their role in transitioning to a low-carbon society. It’s a tremendous legacy that FoE Ireland Director, Oisin Coghlan, should be very proud of championing. I was proud even to witness and support it in a small way.  
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My early days on the FoE Ireland Board were spent dealing with the economic crisis that decimated so many Irish NGOs, but (thanks to heroic efforts by staff) FoE Ireland largely recovered and managed to continue great work on a shoestring budget. In addition to pioneering a climate law, I’ve watched FoE Ireland facilitate community ownership of renewable energy; protest trade agreements; develop climate smart agriculture guidelines; block fracking; fight for an Irish solar energy revolution; restore “environment” back into the Department of Energy, Environment, Climate and Communications; organise election hustings; improve recycling at Electric Picnic; educate the public on environmental issues; constantly push politicians for greater environmental action; and have a lot of fun in the process. It’s been an honour to be a small part of so many great campaigns to make Ireland a healthier place to live.
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Friends of the Earth Europe member groups join Stop The Drill campaign to protest fracking in Northern Ireland, 2016
Over the past two years as Chairperson of the Board, I’ve had the privilege of seeing more of the work that FoE does on an international level through the Friends of the Earth network. I’ve met Friends of the Earth representatives from 76 countries all doing incredible work in their home countries fighting for social, environmental and economic justice.  In meeting them, I’m more aware of how FoE Ireland’s work fits into a much larger global justice movement and that drives me to keep going when the battles seem too big or too hard here at home. When I think about my legacy, I am comforted that whatever work I do today will continue as part of this extensive global network well beyond my own personal involvement. 
Recently, I felt the need to grow up a bit and write a will – primarily because I needed to do the responsible parent thing to insure my daughter would be taken care of in the event that I was not here. Thanks to a local solicitor, it was far easier and less costly than I envisioned and now I have some peace of mind regarding my daughter’s future.

I also used the opportunity to secure my legacy too. We all have to die, so “the goal isn’t to live forever, but to create something that will.” So I asked the solicitor to include a simple clause in my will to insure Friends of the Earth Ireland gets a small percentage of my assets (technically called a residuary gift). I’ve seen a couple of small legacy gifts come in the doors of Friends of the Earth Ireland over the years and know what a God-send they’ve been, enabling FoE to do some extra good work that lacked funding.

​Personally, it makes me feel good to know that when I’m done being a Friend of the Earth with an organisation I adore, I can still be a friend under the earth (cue the drums to accompany my dreadful attempt at humour!). 

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Cara in Halloween Spirit. Photo and make up by NewLookFX
In honor of Halloween, I’m sending out a call to action to ‘Live, Love, Laugh and Leave a Legacy’!  Have a scary fun weekend and keep fighting the good fight!
​
-Cara


For details on how to make a legacy gift to Friends of the Earth Ireland, check out this simple guide. 
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The dystopian world of CETA and new respect for Ireland's Senate

10/6/2016

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​It’s hard for me to believe now that less than three years ago I nearly voted to abolish Ireland’s Seanad (Senate, for my non-Irish readers). Fortunately, a more informed colleague talked me out of my rash decision at the last minute, but at the time I could see no value in retaining a tax-payer funded Seanad that seemed to have no power to influence government policy.
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While our Seanad produced lots of great ideas, as far as I could tell it was the place where good ideas went to die. Despite promises of reform following the 2013 Seanad referendum, I’ve yet to be convinced anything has changed, but I’m willing to give the Seanad a chance because Ireland desperately needs a better system of checks and balances in government.
 
This week, I've discovered a new respect for Ireland's Seanad. Their unfortunate lack of influence in government policy makes their recent motion on the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) all the more remarkable. Championed by Senator Alice Mary Higgins, the Seanad has found a way to potentially make global impact within a system that gives them very little power. Finally, we have a morsel of good news in a world of broken politics.

What is CETA?

CETA is a modern trade agreement between Canada and Europe modelled after the more well-known Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). CETA aims to eliminate 98% of tariffs between Canada and Europe and in some cases increase quota allocations. 
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While negotiations between the two regions concluded in August 2014, the agreement has dragged on because it requires approval from European Parliament, European Council and each of the 28 Member States. In July 2016, the European Commission adopted the CETA text and formally proposed to the Council of the EU the signature and conclusion of CETA by October 2016.

The ratification by Member States could take several more years to complete, so the Council has the option to apply all or parts of CETA “provisionally” in the meantime. This means CETA could be implemented immediately after Council approval in October without waiting for approval of European Parliament or Member States.

The European Commission is in a hurry to avail of the benefits that could come from CETA and is pushing the Council to provisionally approve CETA asap. Given that an EC commissioned independent report predicted only a 0.02-0.03% increase in Europe’s GDP from CETA, it’s hard to understand the need to rush CETA through an undemocratic process, particularly given all the other rights we trade away in the process. 

Why worry about the world of CETA?

Modern free trade agreements (FTAs) such as CETA and TTIP are bad news for citizens across the globe because they give far more legal rights to corporations at the expense of citizens. I’ve blogged and v-logged my concerns about TTIP and FTAs in general already, but there are some unique elements of CETA that potentially make it one of the worst FTAs of all.

The day before the Seanad motion, I briefed Senators and TDs in the Dail on the potential environmental impacts of CETA. You can listen to the 7min audio briefing on Sound Cloud, or read on below for a summary of concerns with respect to environmental protection and ultimately the protection of public goods and health.

Three major risks to our environment in the world of CETA:

1. The Investor Court System, formerly known as ISDS

Since the 1960s, trade treaties typically include an ‘investor-state dispute settlement’ mechanism or 'ISDS.' The CETA and TTIP version of this is now called the Investor Court System as its been slightly modified from previous ISDS mechanisms to increase transparency. The ICS or ISDS is a special trade court that allows companies to sue foreign governments when their profits are compromised if a government introduces new laws or practices.

We can look at NAFTA which has been in operation for 22 years and has an investor dispute system to evaluate the potential impact of ICS:
  • Canada is facing $2.6 billion in challenges from American corporations under NAFTA, including challenges on bans against environmental harmful additives to gasoline, exports of hazardous PCBs and lawn pesticides, and moratoriums on fracking. Two-thirds of cases taken under NAFTA are on environmental issues
  • Across the border, TransCanada recently announced it was suing the US government for $15bn after the Obama administration rejected the Keystone XL pipeline to pump oil from the tar sands of Canada on environmental grounds.
These are just two examples of the 700 cases taken globally under ISDS, over half of which were taken over issues of environmental protection. Sixty percent of those 700 cases were either won by investor or settled between investor and government. Many settlements require governments to take back whatever measure that company went to court for. Even if the cases are unsuccessful, they cost tax-payers and make governments nervous of enacting legislative changes that benefit consumers at the expense of foreign investors.

The ICS mechanism is especially concerning for climate change and the low carbon transition. Given the ratification of the Paris Climate Agreement in Europe, we know that each signatory country now has to change their laws and practices accordingly. However, under ICS foreign corporations have legal mechanism challenge anything that might negatively impact their profits and could therefore undermine the Paris Agreement, which (unlike CETA) is not legally binding.

CETA will impede our efforts to reduce fossil fuel extraction and fossil fuel use in the future by offering investor protection to energy and mining corporations without similar protection for environment and public health. CETA also specifies a “technology neutral approach” to energy cooperation, which compromises Europe’s transition to a society powered by renewables. For example, In 2012, the U.S. oil company Lone Pine used NAFTA to challenge Quebec’s fracking moratorium.

A final concern specific to CETA’s ICS is that even if TTIP is defeated (which looks possible), 40% US companies have subsidiaries in Canada and can therefore avail of CETA’s ICS to sue European governments as an alternative to TTIP. 

2. Public services and utlities

CETA is the first trade agreement to take a negative list approach to the privatisation of public goods and services, which means any if a Member State ever wants to be able to turn a privatised service back into a public service it has to designate that sector in CETA’s annex already. This is intended to allow the maximum degree of liberalisation benefits for corporations.

As an example, the remunicipalisation of energy grids across Europe is becoming popular in places like Germany in an effort to broaden community owned power. This broadening of community owned power is also an aim of Ireland’s Energy White Paper. CETA could severely curtail efforts of community owned power in countries who failed to itemise energy distribution grids in CETA’s annex.

​Unfortunately, Ireland’s Trade Minister Charlie Flanagan did not make a reservation for energy distribution grids under CETA, which contradicts our vision under the Energy White Paper. Nor did Ireland make a reservation for things like waste disposal, gas or oil, or waste water treatment. In general, Ireland has listed very few exemptions compared to other countries and this puts us at risk should we allow something to be privatised and then want to put services back into public ownership at a later date. 

3. Risks to European agriculture

​As our largest indigenous sector, CETA’s impacts on agriculture are particularly important in Ireland. Under CETA, the EU agreed to eliminate 92% of agricultural duties on most products. For some products such as dairy, a combination of tariff reduction and increased quota will be applied.

Canada allows hormones in animal products, has lower production standards, and allows carcasses to be cleaned using chemicals such as chlorine. As a result of such practices, Canada produces meat 60% cheaper than EU, so it’s not hard to predict that increasing Canadian imports could impact European farmers, particularly Irish Beef which would struggle to compete on price and scale with Canadian counterparts. This could also lead to a decline in the sustainability of European agriculture in an effort to improve competitiveness.

While Canada is not a major competitor with Irish agriculture, it is the combined pressure of trade agreements between Europe with Canada, USA and Mercosur (Brazil in particular) that would really put pressure on European and Irish farmers.

​Over the summer, European agricultural ministers from 20 countries called for a study to determine the impact of TTIP, CETA and the Mercosur agreement on European agriculture. That effort was led by the agricultural ministers from Ireland and France. The report isn’t due until the end of this month after CETA is voted on and it hardly seems sensible to vote without adequate analysis on impacts. 

CETA's bottom line

I’ve listened to Fine Gael politicians accuse those of us speaking out about CETA and TTIP as “fear mongering” and spouting “conspiracy theories”, but our voices not only include those from environmental NGOs but also health organisations, agricultural groups, trade unions, and even Nobel prize winning economists like Joseph Stieglitz.
CETA is a global trade agreement designed to advance a corporate agenda above the rights of citizens or consumers. Whereas investors have a legally enforceable global mechanism to sue governments for lost profits through CETA, both the environmental and labour rights specified in CETA are exempt from sanctions.

CETA will curtail our efforts to reduce fossil fuel use, increase community-owned power and transition to a low carbon society by providing a mechanism for corporations to block this urgently needed transition. Those who support CETA are not working on behalf of the people of Ireland but rather to fill the pockets of corporations. It's #appletax all over again, only this time we don't even get a tokenistic debate in the Dail. 

Why is Alice Mary's CETA win so important?

On October 5th, the Seanad approved a motion calling on the Irish government to reject provisional application of CETA. The Irish Parliament is the first in the world to take a vote on CETA. Independent Senator Alice Mary Higgins proposed the motion, which passed by one vote, garnering the support of The Civil Engagement Group, Labour, Sinn Féin, and the Greens, who all rejected the position of the Fine-Gael led government. At the beginning of the debate, Fianna Fáil spoke in support of CETA and Fine Gael’s position. However, the motion passed 17 to 16 due to the ultimate abstention of Fianna Fáil.
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The Seanad’s motion sends a clear signal to the Irish government that there is opposition to CETA in Ireland. Only last week Enda Kenny was in the Seanad promising reform and a return to visit them before Christmas. Will An Taoiseach now respect the Seanad by honoring their CETA motion or will he let their good work die in the Seanad chambers?  If Enda Kenny believes the Seanad's work is meaningful, he'll call for Ireland to reject CETA's provisional application in the European Council on October 18th to allow time for informed public debate, but we’ll know where he really stands on CETA and Seanad Éireann in less than two weeks.
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Keep fighting the good fight!
-Cara

  • Join Uplift's call for a referendum on TTIP and CETA in Ireland here.
  • Stay informed by joining Friends of the Earth Ireland's mailing list here. 

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